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Title: Roman Arabia by Glen W. Bowersock ISBN: 0-674-77755-7 Publisher: Harvard Univ Pr Pub. Date: December, 1983 Format: Hardcover Volumes: 1 List Price(USD): $32.00 |
Average Customer Rating: 3.33 (3 reviews)
Rating: 1
Summary: Subjective study in general, touched with modern influences
Comment: After comparing this book with other writings, especially that of Maurice Sartre, I found it very much subjective and touched by modern influence. The chapters from I to VII are well treated especially Ch VII, but the author becomes more confusing and subjective in the last three chapters. The book was praised by others as read at the end cover, but it was excessively praised by Irfan Shahid who said: "A difinitve history of Roman Arabia which will remain so for a very long time to come", or "a history of that talented Arab people, the Nabateans". This is not surprising if we took in consideration the (Palestinian) origin of Irfan Shahid. The book is mainly touched by some pan-Arabism which Arabizes everything on its way. As an example to that, we quote from Bowersock: "he [Uranius Antoninus] clearly tried to forge a link with the ultimate Antonines, who were the Arab emperors from the family of Julia Domna" (p.128), these Antonines were Caracalla who was African and Elegabal who was Syrian. Although Julia Domna originates from the ruling dynasts of Emesa who were probably of Arab origin, she was considered Syrian at her time. She was born in Emesa in Syria and probably she spoke the Syriac or Aramaic language and the Greek. The critique of the book would take a long time, but it is usefull to indicate other influences on Bowersock. One of these influences are the contemporary events in the Middle East and american prejudice against the name Arabs. We quote: "The instability in the Middle East which the Persian threat had caused provided unique opportunities for the advancement of Arab power in the region" (p. 128), or "the writer was simply illustrating yet again the widespread prejudice in the Roman world against the Arabs" (p. 123). The fact that the Romans were prejudiced against the Arabs doesn't mean that they were prejudiced against the Arabs only or against the Arabs in a special way (the same as the American are), Roman prejudice against the Arabs was the same as their prejudice against the Gauls, especially that the Arabs at that time were not Muslims. It is obvious that the author is confusing between contemproray facts and ancient similar facts. Finally, the end of chapter IX and chapter X are full of the imagination of the author especially in his treatement of the relation of Zenobia with the Lakhmids and Tanukhids. For example, he is assuming that Amru ibn Adiy had helped Aurelian in conquering Palmyra although no source, but some Arabic myths, going to the Islamic ages, refer to that. The book can be taken as a reference in this issue but other articles and books are better done, like the ones of Maurice Sartre. In general, the author is trying to find a respectable place for the Arabs in the Roman world, but he is doing that at the expense of other ethnicities, like the Syrians. Although the Province of Arabia had a strategic importance for the Roman state and although the Nabatean Kingdom (of Arab origin) forms the core of this province, the name Arabia remains an administrative name with changing boundaries while Syriac or Aramaic was the dominant language in this province not Arabic. so that; it is difficult to establish a stable place for the Arabs in the Roman world the same as the Greeks, Gauls and Syrians has. Unless the author would arabize the Syrians, as he was trying (see p. 128), then the Arabs would have a respectable and unprejudiced place in Roman history. It is not Roman prejudice which didn't allowed the Arabs from having a respectable place in the Roman world, it is the fact that mainland Arabia was not only not forming a part of the empire but also nomand and uncivilised (except southern Arabia) while the Province of Arabia was civilised and it spoke Aramaic not Arabic.
Rating: 5
Summary: Excellent Resource for the Roman Near East
Comment: Bowersock is concerned with establishing the importance of northwestern Arabia (Hejaz, Hisma, Shara, and Wadi Sirhan) as an integral factor to the overall strategic geography of the southeastern Mediterranean region, including Egypt and Syria-Palestine. It dominated crucial routes from Aqaba to Damascus (2) and from Petra to the prominent port of Gaza (22). The advantage of Nabataean lands has often been overlooked in the past because many did not realize the extensive dominion of the Nabataeans or the strategic advantages of their territory.
Chapter three begins to specifically deal with the internal situation within Nabataean territory and the relationship between Rome and the Nabataeans and how Rome managed the desert regions of their eastern frontier. I do not think Bowersock is stressing any certain point over another, or necessarily attempting to "prove a point" as such. His goal is to integrate all available information for the purpose of enlightening understanding over this somewhat evasive subject. For example, Bowersock makes a good point by stating the there was no clear boundary demarcation in the desert regions, for it is "difficult to define clear boundaries within the wastes of the great Syrian Desert" (99). This leads to the question, "How did Rome manage the desert frontier?"
Bowersock makes it clear that Rome did not establish itself in Nabataean Arabia without a strategy. They relied on Nabataean centers and fortifications already established. Some of the major Roman centers included Bostra, Petra, Characmoba, and Rabbathmoba (88). These would have provided necessary access to all of the important land routes, such as Wadi Sirhan in the northeast with its link to Damascus, the oases of Jawf and Azraq in the central area (98) and the Hejaz and Gulf of Aqaba in the south. It should be remembered that under Aretas IV, whom Bowersock refers to as "one of the greatest figures in the history of pre-Islamic Arabia," Petra reached its zenith in sedentarization and sophistication (64, 65). So how was a frontier that "blends into the desert" defined?
At this point, Bowersock deals with a very important definition-"Limes Arabicus." The definition traditionally referred to a line of defense fortresses, such as those in Germany along the Rhine. Bowersock stresses that this was not the definition applied to Roman Arabia in the second and third centuries (103). There is an important distinction between "exterior limes" and "interior limes." The farther westward into the interior one traveled, the denser was the network of military installations. However, major military installations or garrisons were scattered in different areas throughout the farthest reaches, especially elevated areas for signaling purposes. Says Bowersock, "When we speak of the limes Arabicus in reference to the fortified frontier of Arabia, we are speaking of a fortified zone with in-depth protection" (105). It did not resemble a definitive line of fortresses, but a scattered pattern of military bases. This was necessary due to the nature of the region. It is necessary to realize that Rome also relied on Arab confederations to help maintain the Arabian limits (97, 108).
From chapter VIII and following, Bowersock begins to shift his focus from Roman involvement in the east to the vital history and role that the Arabs played in this region. The administration of Septimius Severus in the east cannot be underestimated, especially the effects it had in making possible the elevation of Arabs to Roman politics. His marriage to a Syrian opened the door for Arab advantages (118). The pinnacle of this is seen in the first Arab emperor, M. Julius Philippus (AD 244-249), and the powerful Queen Zenobia of Palmyra. Palmyra was a strong force for Rome in the east, but the growing power of the Sassanid Persians was exemplified by a successfully short-lived campaign against the Palmyrenes in AD 259 (130). Says Bowersock, "Without the cooperation of the Arabs, the eastern provinces could not be maintained" (147). All the emperors from Pompey to Diocletian operated on this assumption, for the strong desert sheiks, being indigenous to this precarious region, were the only candidates who properly qualified for the job.
Bowersock dealt with three other important topics in this book: Paul's ordeal in Damascus, Christianity in Arabia, and the extent of the influence of Hellenism in Arabia. He did not provide any substantial coverage of these topics, but he did have some interesting points to make. The attraction to Hellenism is best seen in Zenobia's style of living. It appears that she saw herself in the role of a Hellenistic queen, even presenting herself as Cleopatra on her campaign to Egypt (134). The inroads of Christianity can be seen by the conversion of Queen Mavia, the most celebrated of Arab converts during the reign of emperor Valens (141). In discussing Paul, Bowersock only mentions his escape from Damascus in relation to the reign of the powerful Nabataean king, Aretas IV. I was a little surprised that he did not deal with Galatians 1:17, where Paul states that he dwelt in "Arabia." This would have provided a good discussion on provincial names and boundaries. Many people think Paul traveled deep into the heart of what is now Saudi Arabia. But in light of Bowersock's topic, Paul most probably traveled to southern Transjordan, for that was considered a part of Rome's provincia Arabia. Another passage that would have provided insight into the discussion is Galatians 4:25, nowhere treated in this book. Here Paul mentions that Mount Sinai is in Arabia. Many scholars propose that this points to the western Saudi peninsula, but according to Bowersock, Sinai (modern Sinai Peninsula) fell within the bounds of what Rome considered Arabia (94, 184). This lends historical credence to the New Testament!
Rating: 4
Summary: Entertaining scholarly study
Comment: This book covers the history of the Roman province of Arabia from the foundation of the Nabatean kingdom of Petra (4th cenury BC ?) until the 4th century AD. It is a thorough and well documented (hundreds of footnotes !) scholarly study, based on primary sources, yet it reads very well. The reader accompanies the historian in his scientific work, examining old texts and coins and debating of possible hypotheses. The book assumes some knowledge of Roman history of the period, though: for example, the author alludes quickly to Severus Alexander and Elagabal without more information (the part on Septimius Severus is very developed). Also, some footnotes are in French or Ancient Greek, which may be difficult to read to some readers. Some parts, like the meticulous discussion of the borders of the province, are rather tedious. An interesting introduction to historical analysis.
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Title: The Roman Near East: 31 Bc-Ad 337 by Fergus G. Millar ISBN: 0674778863 Publisher: Harvard Univ Pr Pub. Date: April, 1995 List Price(USD): $28.50 |
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